Alexa
  • Directory of Taiwan

Sixty days for decisions in Mexico

Sixty days for decisions in Mexico

Vicente Fox has less than 60 days left in his six year term as president of Mexico, which ends November 30, and the months of October and November will not only be the last of his administration but the most uncertain too. As well, during this time the first signs of what to expect from the new National Action Party government will surface, along with the strategy of the Manuel Andres Lopez Obrador led opposition.
So far it appears that the incoming government will have a two-pronged base: one being governance through security institutions, while the second would be based on politically negotiated accords, mainly with members of the Institutional Revolutionary Party. In the Mexican Congress, that took office September 1, alliances between the PAN and the PRI are already proving fruitful as the two parties are dividing the most important political and economic committees between themselves, with the edge going to the PRI.
Furthermore, the budding legislative alliance is pointing to a possible deal in the make up of the forthcoming Cabinet of Mexican President-elect Felipe Calderon, and it is looking more and more as if at least three top posts could go to people tied to PRI power groups, governors and congressional leaders. Which would represent a rightist government supported by the traditional groups within the PRI, especially labor unions and campesino organizations.
So, curiously, in this second stage of government by the PAN, those who were enemies during the six years of the Fox administration now seem like the future government's best allies.
Through these accords the PRI is winning back much of what was lost on Election Day. Key congressional posts, support for its 17 governors, electoral alliances, protection for party members, and government positions that will guarantee compliance with the agreements.
And all of this, yes calculated, must be a provocative factor for Lopez Obrador's Party of the Democratic Revolution.
Yet to grasp the defiance
It is obvious that neither the federal government nor the Calderon team have made proactive responses to Mexico's post-election conflict. Quite the opposite, they have never grasped the magnitude of the defiance, and due to naivete or error on more than one occasion they have thrown more fuel on the fire.
Thus it can be said that the so-called National Democratic Convention, which was held in Mexico City on September 16, was Lopez Obrador's response to the political affronts, institutional deficiencies, legal paralyses and popular discontent that resulted from the July 2 elections.
Of course the temporary lull in demonstrations in Mexico City does not mean that the game is over, for the resistance now has a well-defined reason for rejection. In the words of Ignacio Marvan, one of Lopez Obrador's advisors, "our immediate objective is to organize in order to peacefully resist the imminent government of usurpation, and to adopt a minimum program in order to fight it efficiently."
And the post-election movement, with the support of legislators from the new Broad Progressive Front (that includes the PRD, Labor Party, and Convergence Party), intends to become a shadow-like peoples' government.
The grievances and discontent, the objections and frustrations, are also attempts to mutate into a distinct social movement with one foot in the streets and the other in Congress. A plan and a program, a government and its "president," with an unwillingness to acknowledge the elected executive and legislative bodies of government.
A movement that will use urban demonstrations and confrontations to impede the passage of bills and legislation, while at the same time using its position in Congress to support social proposals, and to change the institutions of the state. A revolution from within with external social pressures.
According to the left, Lopez Obrador is a president-elect ratified by an entity that is no more questionable than the Federal Electoral Institute and the Federal Electoral Tribunal that gave the victory to Calderon.
Still, and in addition to law, important factors marking the difference between the elected future president of Mexico and the pretender must be remembered. Things like control of Mexico's public safety and police institutions, including the army; the new alliance with the PRI, although it is still fragile; the discretional handling of the budget; and the support of Mexico's two television networks.
The next 60 days will be important in order to determine if these influences are enough for Felipe Calderon to come to power, and to exercise that power once he takes office.
Enrique Andrade writes for MexiData.info.


Updated : 2021-06-16 07:40 GMT+08:00